By 1811 it was becoming obvious that the relationship between the nascent United States and their former sovereign, Great Britain, was quickly deteriorating towards a state of open conflict. On the North American frontier and the high seas, violent confrontations became more common and there didn't seem to be a way to reconcile the conflict.
The American Congress became very bellicose in their intentions towards British North America, which they saw as an unresolved piece of business left over from the Revolution. Trouble was coming.
In Upper Canada, Gen. Isaac Brock surveyed the defenses and troops of the province and was not encouraged. The forts were mere shells and the soldiers insufficient in numbers for a proper defense. He began the process of preparing the province for war, fully aware of the magnitude of the task.
One obvious problem was the Royal Artillery. There was only one half-strength company in the province under the command of Capt. William Holcroft, R.A. 4th Battery. Brock knew that regardless of the possible forms of hostility likely to be encountered, the guns would have a critical role in them and he did not have a fraction of the gunners needed.
In December 1811, he ordered the creation of a Car Brigade to transport and man field guns for duty along the Niagara line. Subsequently, the purpose of the unit was reconsidered and it was decided that it should concern itself solely with artillery transport.
In March 1812, Adjutant General Baynes issued an order to the militia to select: "active and intelligent men from the battalion companies... to be trained and instructed at the exercise of the garrison battery guns and field pieces of artillery."
Two companies of volunteer artillery were raised from the 1st and 2nd Regiments of Lincoln Militia. The 1st Lincoln Artillery was to operate on the lower Niagara and the 2nd Lincoln Artillery on the upper. No other militia regiments had artillery.
Capt. John Powell, the Registrar of Niagara District, was appointed commander of the 1st Lincoln Artillery, also known as Powell's Company. His first allotment consisted of 35 officers and men. By early May it was noted they were exercising "at the great guns"of Ft. George. On June 28, Alexander Cameron, Barrister, became 2nd Captain to the company and was joined by another 30 men in July. In August, Powell received permission to recruit more gunners for the company.
All the military activity going on around Ft. George was keenly observed by the Americans and regular reports sent to the Governor of New York. On June 24, a report noted that: "A company of militia artillery has been raised this spring and exercise two or three days in the week on the plains near Fort George and practice firing, and have become very expert." So it can be seen that both garrison and field guns were used in training, creating a versatile company. It is not known whether they trained in the use of field howitzers or mortars.
Ft. George was rebuilt into a smaller and more defensible fort. The heavy guns were remounted onto traversing carriages so that fewer of them were needed to provide zones of defense from each bastion. This freed up some heavy guns for emplacement in a series of detached batteries constructed at intervals along the lower Niagara River. There were six batteries below Ft. George and four above. There was also a battery at Queenston on the heights.
War was declared by the United States in the middle of June but it took until the end of the month for the news to become generally known. On July 12, with a great deal of noise but little action, American General William Hull crossed the St. Clair River and then sat. While he dithered, the British acted and Ft. Mackinac was seized on July 17.
General Brock put the military on alert along the Niagara, collected a combined force of regulars, militia and native allies and marched west. In a move that owed more to poker playing than military science, Brock fooled the retreating Americans into surrendering Ft. Detroit on Aug. 16, 1812.
The opening events of the war were followed by a long period of preparations, but no conflicts, at least on the Niagara frontier. The Americans' desire for war far outstripped their ability to carry it out. On the high seas, however, the U.S.S. Constitution fought (and won) a battle with H.M.S. Guerriere.
The cease-fire following the Detroit campaign prevented Brock from active warfare, so he continued to supervise the work on the defenses and, among many other duties, the equipping of the militia with what supplies he could find.
The Ordnance
The "great" guns of Ft. George referred to, were heavy cast iron cannon often weighing many tons. Typical sizes encountered during the War of 1812 ranged from 9-, 12- and 18-pdr. The largest used on land in this theater was 24-pdr.
Carriages used in wartime were built of oak with iron hardware. Their advantage over peacetime iron carriages was that they could be repaired and brought back into action if damaged. Iron mortars were often of large size as well, being measured by the diameter of their shell chamber rather than in the weight of the shot as in long guns. In 1811, the ordnance inventories of Ft. George list 8- and 10-inch iron mortars.
Bronze [often referred to as brass] was the preferred metal for field guns, being stronger and lighter than cast iron. In 1811 the fort inventory included an old, medium 1 2-pdr. field piece, at least five 6-pdrs., one 5.5 inch howitzer, four 3-pdr. "grasshoppers,"and five coehorn mortars; all in bronze. Later in the war, bronze light 24- and 9-pdr. field guns turned up.
The British had two types of special ammunition that the Americans did not. Shrapnel (spherical case) could be fired from a long gun without the necessity of being fired like shells from a short-barreled howitzer or mortar. It was restricted to guns of large caliber. Rockets made their appearance in the hands of the Royal Marine Artillery and are documented in use, notably at the Battle of Lundy's Lane in 1814.
Many of the guns used by the British were old, some having been in the province since the American Revolution. Captured guns were reused if in good condition. The 24-pdr. cannon alluded to earlier were captured at Detroit in 1812 and were in fact British guns seized during the American Revolution.
The field guns listed in stores at Ft. George came from Ft. Niagara, which was emptied when the British turned it over to the Americans in 1796. The 3-pdr. guns were originally sent to Ft. Niagara to be used by the Loyalist troops, such as the Butler's Rangers. These guns figure again in the story of the 1st Lincoln Artillery..
Appearance
Civilians in arms needed first of all to be trained and supplied with the necessary military tools. Their uniforms were another thing entirely. It was a problem in 1812 and very hard to decipher today. With shortages appearing immediately, the Commissariat could only issue what the Quartermaster General in Quebec sent, however inadequate. In peacetime the militia dressed in a red coatee with blue facings, but that changed quickly.
Before the Battle of Detroit, soldiers of the York and 5th Lincoln Militia were issued old, castoff uniforms of the 41st Regiment (red-faced red), which they were still wearing at the Battle of Queenston Heights [Oct. 13, 1812].
On July 12, General Brock noted that the militia were in desperate need of clothing and that many of them were without shoes. Red cloth for 1,000 jackets (faced yellow), 1,000 felt caps (shakos), 606 bicorn hats and 130 leather light infantry caps (early 1800s issue) were sent to supply all of Upper Canada in the summer of 1812. From that cloth, in September, 72 coats were made for the militia stationed at Ft. George (1st Lincoln?). Considering that meant at least two or three flank companies, one can see the pattern emerging. On Sept. 16, blankets were issued to the men.
Captain Durand of the 5th Lincoln wrote to the Quartermaster General (at the time of the Battle of Queenston Heights) on behalf of his men, stating that they received only a pair of "shoepacks" (a type of moccasin), a pair of stockings and a pair of trousers. They were still in need of "what was exclusively promised to the Militia Flank Company men: - a Jacket, a Great Coat and a shirt."
Lt. Col. Cecil Bisshopp, newly appointed inspecting field officer for the militia of Niagara District, arrived shortly after the Battle of Queenston Heights and with an eye for his responsibilities described the militia as poorly clothed, with some of them dressed in red coats worn very thin (the 41st castoffs). He noted that the other militia wore their belts and buckles over their own clothes.
Referring to the Battle of Queenston Heights, James Crooks, Captain of a 1st Lincoln flank company, said: "I espied an Indian giving the coup de grace to a Militia man whom he mistook for a Yankee, none of us being in uniform."
This, then, describes the militia up to the time of Oct. 13. It is not clear what the Lincoln Artillery specifically wore. It is unknown whether they had a special warrant. The Provincial Incorporated Artillery (raised 1813) had a warrant but their Captain, Alexander Cameron, noted at war's end that it had never been issued. He did say that his men had been issued militia uniforms instead.
Powell's Company was on the same status as a flank company, but with extra pay. Did they receive standard militia uniforms? Were there any special artillery distinctions in buttons, crossbelt plates, caps, swords, etc.? Were they a motley rabble wearing civilian dress with bits and pieces of military clothing and equipment?
There is a tendency to believe this is a more likely possibility. At least for the Battle of Queenston Heights, it can be safely said that the militia were not well-uniformed. Probably Powell and Cameron had uniforms, but, again, what did they look like?
In early November 1812 a shipment of supplies for the militia reached Ft. George. In it were blankets, great coats, gray trousers, shoes and shoepacks, red cloth, flannel for shirts and stockings. Colonel Claus, 1st Lincoln Infantry, ordered these goods to be distributed free to the flank companies but the blankets and great coats stayed behind when the militia man went on leave.
Tailors were hired to convert the red cloth into uniforms, but it appears that small clothes were left to the individual soldier to put together, with the basic goods issued to them to do so.
It was noted that: "to those for whom there may not eventually be found a sufficient quantity of cloth to furnish a Jacket or Waistcoat, some other article or articles shall be substituted without cost."
The record of the November issue to Captain Abraham Nelles' 4th Lincoln Flank Company still exists. It lists great coats, blankets, jackets (no color mentioned), cloth (1-5/8yd.- no color mentioned), brown holland (3/4 yd.- a type of linen), buttons (8), thread (6 skeins), flannel (3-1/2 yd.), stockings and shoes. Everyone got cloth, brown holland, buttons, thread, flannel and stockings, but only some received blankets, great coats, jackets and shoes. There is no mention of a gray trouser issue.
One presumes that the 8 buttons were for a waistcoat. It is known that at least seven soldiers of the 4th transferred into Powell's Company, perhaps dressed in their new issue.
Clothing and supplies trickled in during the winter of 1812/13. A Norfolk County militia captain recorded that four of his men received clothing on Dec. 13 and 28 redcoats were delivered in February. The British were under constant pressure to meet their obligations and were always changing direction in response to shortages.
Green cloth was substituted in place of red for the coatees when that color became scarce. Facings became red as well as yellow. Lacing was white tape and buttons were either plain or the British Militia pattern if available. There may have been limited use of regimental crossbelt plates, as an example, for the 4th Lincoln has been found.
Court martial records indicate that there was a fair amount of desertion among the militia during the winter of 1812/13, but it tended to be more temporary than permanent. The militia were commonly described as: "wearing the clothes they enlisted in." when they appeared in court.
The spring of 1813 saw a long delay in clothing issue, as shipments from Kingston to York (Toronto) were not sent when that town came under American attack and occupation on April 27. The supplies included the new green coatees faced red. By the time they became available, the 1st Lincoln Militia Artillery had been stood down. A British officer recalled an Incorporated Militia drill at York in the spring of 1813: "Some had scarlet coats with blue or red facings some had green coats but most of them had no coats at all."
The Lincoln Militia Artillery may have been reasonably well clothed by the spring of 1813, whatever that might have been. The speculation that they were equipped and dressed by the Royal Artillery has to be seen in the context of how few R.A. there were. At any one time, only a portion of Holcroft's half company was in the Niagara area and it is difficult to believe that they had enough extra to equip two companies of militia artillery. The 2nd Lincoln Artillery is known to have had approximately 90 men and the 1st Lincoln Artillery slightly less.
Prelude to Battle
In the fall of 1812, the Royal Artillery who were based in the vicinity of Ft. George numbered about 20 men. Their responsibility was to maintain and man all the cannon within their operational zone. Considering that included the forts and independent batteries along the Niagara River, plus the field guns, one can see the impossibility of their task. It took about five gunners to serve a cannon, not including the extra muscle needed to manhandle a gun during operations.
The militia artillery, created to remedy this inadequacy, were trained by the R.A. who had been given the order: ".. to render every assistance."To supplement the R.A. and Militia Artillery, soldiers from regular infantry and militia regiments were trained as well. When hostilities came, all the guns in the batteries had sufficient manpower and responded to their circumstances competently, according to after-action reports.
Periodically the British made a count of who was posted to the various batteries and fortifications along the lower Niagara River. These serve as a snapshot only, because most of a local militia company would be excused from duty unless a state of alert had been ordered, they were in training or manning a position.
The 1st Lincoln Artillery were reported to have had one captain, one sergeant and 12 gunners posted at Queenston on July 7, 1812. There is no mention of them at other positions on that day, so this indicates that most of the gunners went home to look after their civilian affairs when they could.
By early October 1812, the Americans had visibly increased their military activity. The Niagara river has a very strong current but is not particularly wide, so troop movements, the assembly of supplies and the building of fortifications can be easily seen. In many places the distance between the two sides is less than the range of a musket. A soldier on picket duty near Queenston was shot and wounded by a sniper from the American shore during September.
A couple of days before the actual battle, an American renegade loaded up a boat with the oars collected for the invasion flotilla and set them adrift down the Niagara River. The British found them and realized their significance; action was imminent but where? The militia were put on alert and the batteries prepared for action. The troops camped out on the commons during this time and slept under arms at night.
In the pre-dawn hours of Oct. 13, it all began to happen.
General Brock may have spent the night at Ft. George instead of Government House, his usual residence when he was in town. Alerted by the sound of cannon fire echoing down the river from Queenston, he commanded that all troops form up and await orders.
He then mounted his horse Alfred and galloped off up the river road towards the sound of the guns to view the situation for himself. Lieutenant Colonel Macdonell and Captain Clegg, Brock's aides-de-camp, were left behind by this quick departure and had to hurriedly mount up and ride out in pursuit of their commander.
The Battle
At Queenston, Lt. John C. Ball, 1st Lincoln Artillery, had an early start to a very busy day. There had been many indications that a military action was imminent and all troops were on high alert. Even at this time, a company of the 49th refused orders and had to be persuaded to remain on duty. Around 3 a.m., the Americans began to quietly cross the river. They were detected and the British opened fire. The American batteries were then cleared to fire and cover the landings.
Lt. Ball (in civilian life a gentleman farmer) had command of two bronze 3-pdr. grasshoppers manned by a detachment from his company. They were positioned on the river bank above the landing site, a prime location to create havoc with the boats. The 18-pdr. Redan Battery, halfway up the escarpment close to the village, opened fire with spherical case. The 24-pdr. at Scott's Point down river was too far away to be accurate in the dark, but became more effective as day broke.
The 3 pdrs. committed mayhem firing canister into the boats. This ammunition is often mistaken for grape, which was not used by bronze guns due to the excessive bore damage it caused. It was reported they: "took out 15 men in one boat with a single shot." With the heavy cannon striking at distant targets and the light cannon and muskets working the inshore area, the American invasion began to flounder. As day broke, Brock arrived in Queenston.
After gaining immediate intelligence in the village, Brock ascended the heights to the Redan Battery. While observing the landing and instructing the gunners, the Americans surprised him by climbing the cliffs from an unexpected direction and forced the abandonment of the gun. He immediately rallied a small number of soldiers to drive out the Americans from this critical position and led a flank attack upon it.
He was shot dead. That attack failed and so did the one which followed under Macdonell, who had finally caught up to the general. Macdonell was mortally wounded during his own effort. At this point the American commander, Van Rensselaer, noted: "Many of the enemy took shelter behind a stone guard-house, where a piece of artillery was now briskly served. I ordered the fire of our batteries to be directed upon the guard-house and it was so effectually done that with eight or ten shot the fire was silenced."
With the Americans on the heights, the tides of war changed. Now the British had to withdraw from the village and the landing could carry on with the only impediment being the Scott's Point battery.
Meanwhile back at Ft. George and its dependencies, an intense cannonade between the two sides of the river had begun as soon as it was light enough to see. Many of the heavy guns were manned by the 1st Lincoln Artillery and both Powell and Cameron were present to direct them. The Americans began to take the worst of it but not before destroying and damaging many buildings in Niagara and around the fort.
Explosions from the gun deck of the Castle at Ft. Niagara signaled the declining American effectiveness and rate of fire. One nasty surprise was left in store. A hot shot from the batteries at Youngstown set the powder magazine at Ft. George on fire causing instant commotion. Eyewitnesses speak of soldiers flooding out of the fort. Captain Vigoreaux, R.E., and members of the 1st Lincoln climbed up on the roof to put out the fire, an act than can only be described as very brave.
The situation had stabilized to the extent that Major-General Roger Hale Sheaffe concluded that there was to be no invasion at Niagara and the American artillery was well under control. He then assembled the troops waiting out on the commons and set out for Queenston where urgent affairs awaited them.
Captain Holcroft brought a 6-pdr. field gun and may have picked up another one on the way. Transport was supplied by the Car Brigade. News reached them that Brock was dead but it didn't cause any change in their purpose. Sheaffe decided to avoid Queenston entirely and head up the escarpment halfway to St. David, well out of the reach of the Americans.
The two Lincoln Artillery 3-pdrs. were included in the van and Holcroft's two 6-pdrs. took their place on the edge of town to prevent the spread of the invasion force. Solomon Vrooman, a soldier in the 1st Lincoln Infantry but trained in artillery, joined the battery at Scotts Point and so capably served it that it has become known since as the Vrooman Battery. (It was on his family property.)
The final act of this dispersed battle now took shape on the top of Queenston Heights. In the center of the British line were the 3-pdrs., where they could shoot directly ahead or towards the flanks. The Americans had an iron 6-pdr. field piece. The cliffs of the escarpment were to their backs.
Sheaffe waited till he had all available reinforcements, then launched a line attack. Captain Crooks in his memoirs reports: "Seeing a Company in front fall into confusion upon hearing the booming of two 3 pdrs. we had with us under Lieut. John C. Ball of the Provincial Artillery..."
The Niagara Bee newspaper in its report on the battle wrote: "The attack now began.... the two small field pieces dealing out a tremendous fire upon the enemy..."Van Rensselaer said: ".. a most severe and obstinate conflict commenced and continued for about half an hour, with a tremendous fire of cannon, flying artillery and musketry." The battle turned into a rout and American resistance disintegrated.
Crooks goes on to say: "When the smoke cleared away I discovered a large group of Yankees at Fort Gray opposite and prevailed upon the gunners of the two small guns we had with us to give them several shots, but the officer declined giving them more, as the Bugle had several times sounded to cease firing.
Given the large numbers of Lincoln Artillery in action on all fronts and in all stages of the battle, it is surprising that only one of them received wounds. In writing his official post-battle report, General Sheaffe said: "Brigade-Major Evans also mentions the conduct of Captains Powell and Cameron of the militia artillery in terms of commendation. Lieutenant Crowther of the 41st Regiment had charge of two 3-pdrs. that had accompanied the movement of our little corps, and they were employed with good effect."The latter is an excellent military example of someone else getting credit for your good work by being in nominal charge.
The Battle of Queenston Heights prominently featured cannon, their use, tactical importance and the supremacy achieved when one's artillery masters the enemy. The British totally dominated the cannonade at the mouth of the river and artillery figured in every aspect at Queenston. The militia had performed with commendable valor.
It was the 1st Lincoln Artillery's finest moment.
An armistice was arranged following the battle, allowing for communication between the two sides to arrange the exchange of the dead, wounded and prisoners. British militia casualties would likely be buried in the cemetery of their accustomed place of worship. It is assumed that the British regulars were buried in the church yard of St. Mark's in Niagara.
Macdonell died at Government House in the early hours of Oct. 14, after enduring great suffering. Brock's body was reclaimed from Queenston, where it had remained on a kitchen table, unrecognized by the Americans who occupied the village for much of the day. He also was brought to Government House and plans were made for what was to be a very important and emotional funeral.
At 1 o'clock on Oct. 16, the funeral procession in all its formal ritual left Government House, soldiers lining the route. The bodies were preceded by detachments of the garrison representing all the regular and militia regiments, the band of the 41st Regiment and two 6-pdrs. All officers were instructed to wear black armbands and sword knots. Minute guns were fired from the moment they left, until they arrived at Ft. George.
It can be assumed that the 1st Lincoln Artillery fired these salutes, as the Royal Artillery were in the procession with the 6-pdrs. and they had suffered several casualties during the battle which further diminished their already paltry numbers.
Captain Cameron accompanied the body of Lt. Col. Macdonell in the procession and acted as one of his pall bearers. Captain Powell served in the same capacity to General Brock. Such was the solemnity of the occasion, that even the Americans fired an artillery salute from their shores in honor of the passing of a great soldier.
Brock and Macdonell were buried in the northeast or Cavalier bastion of Ft. George, ever afterwards known as Brock's bastion. One of the 24-pdrs. captured at Detroit served as a headstone. (During the American occupation of the fort in 1813, the bodies were left undisturbed). To finish the occasion, three rounds from seven guns were fired, further proof of the involvement of the 1st Lincoln Artillery in this funeral.
On the 1st of November was issued the statement: "Major-General Sheaffe has witnessed with the highest satisfaction the manly and cheerful spirit with which the militia on this frontier have borne the privations which peculiar circumstances have imposed on them. He hopes, however, to be soon enabled by the arrival of liberal supplies ordered from the Lower Province to furnish them with articles which in contributing essentially to their comfort will afford him particular gratification; for he cannot but feel that their conduct entitles them to every attention he can bestow on them.
"It has furnished the best characteristics of a soldier, namely constancy under fatigue and determined bravery when opposed to the enemy. By a perseverance in the exercise of these noble qualities they may be assured of accomplishing the glorious task in which they are engaged.
"The armistice will shortly be terminated, but Major General Sheaffe is confident that any attempt to make an impression on a frontier defended by such men cannot succeed — that it will only heap new disgrace and disaster on the enemy and add fresh laurels to those which have already been acquired by the brave militia on this frontier."
The Bombardment
Having demonstrated the importance of the militia artillery on Oct. 13, it was decided shortly afterward that: "one-tenth of the flank companies to be detailed for duty with Powell's company of artillery, to be trained in the use of garrison and field guns."
In November supplies were delivered, but their inadequacy caused Sheaffe more aggravation, as the balance of them were laid up at Kingston. With the freeze-up, militia supplies couldn't be shipped by boat and the season when they were most needed had arrived. Convoys of up to 30 sleighs took over. The artillery company may have received some of what made it in.
The mutually agreed upon armistice terminated on Nov. 20 and the guns of Niagara again came into action at 7:30 a.m. the next day. Captain Powell being ill, Captain Cameron had sole command of the 1st Lincoln Artillery. The augmented company went to work in a cannonade which lasted until dusk.
Ft. George and the detached batteries are reported to have fired about 2,000 shot and 180 shell. The Americans are supposed to have fired even more. The hot shot ovens were in operation and caused extensive damage on both sides.
Several buildings in Niagara burned down and more were damaged. When a structure caught on fire, gunners periodically kept shooting at it, in order to keep away anyone trying to put out the flames. Navy Hall suffered near complete destruction and a ship was sunk at the wharf. The American shore suffered in like fashion.
A mortar shell burst over the gun deck of the castle at Ft. Niagara and silenced a 6-pdr. for awhile. When it came back into operation, the gunners were so flustered that it was observed they fired three times without loading the cannon with shot. This is reputedly the gun fired by Fanny Doyle, a woman volunteer with the American artillery during the battle.
Another odd occurrence from that day is the death of Bernard Frey, a half-pay Captain from Butler's Rangers. He was engaged in seeking out American solid shot that had landed in Niagara and in returning them to the Ft. George received a 3 pence reward and the satisfaction of seeing the same cannon ball go flying back over the river to the original sender.
Apparently while carrying a ball back, an American shot passed so close to him that the concussive effect killed him and yet left no mark. It was claimed that the American shot knocked the one he was carrying. From the same source comes the story about Old Lady Grier who saw her cat squashed by a cannon ball and "was greatly incensed against the enemy."
The overall result of the day's work was inconclusive. Much damage was done but there were few casualties and it did not change a thing in the military context.
The 1st Lincoln Artillery acquitted themselves well. Lt. John Ball was mentioned in dispatches for the quality of his shooting. He was firing hot shot from a 9-pdr. Captain Cameron also was reported to have: "executed his duty with much judgment and activity."After the November cannonade, things settled down on the lower Niagara. By this time the militia had spent a great deal of time away from home and were allowed to return after Dec. 11.
After a disastrous and embarrassing 1812 campaign, the Americans began to prepare more diligently and professionally against what they now realized was a far tougher opponent than they expected. Being much closer to their base of supply than the British, they were able to assemble more men and materiel in a shorter time. The Americans also began to eliminate some of the deadwood officers who had characterized their leadership up to this point.
The British still faced the same problems that had bedeviled them throughout 1812: too few resources too far away, exposed supply lines and not enough soldiers. They created a Battalion of Provincial Incorporated Infantry made up of the best soldiers in the flank companies. They upgraded the Car Brigade into the Provincial Corps of Artillery Drivers.
They also created the Provincial Incorporated Artillery in March of 1813, made up mostly of 1st Lincoln Artillerymen under Captain Cameron, their seasoned and proven officer. The Provincial Incorporated Artillery had two officers, two sergeants, and 28 gunners. The 1st Lincoln Artillery muster roll from April through May of 1813 has survived and shows two officers, two sergeants and 25 gunners. The now-reduced 1st Lincoln Artillery had become parent to an artillery unit that had a larger mandate of operations than they did.
The Americans were determined to start the 1813 campaign with vigor and overwhelming might. To achieve that end they assembled a large force at Sackett's Harbor and in late April as soon as the ice broke up, set sail for York. The British Lake Ontario fleet was still locked in ice in Kingston Harbour, along with much of the November supplies.
On April 27, the Americans landed and soundly defeated the much weaker British force. The British were able to blow up their powder magazine as they retreated and the resulting debris fell on the Americans causing large numbers of casualties including their commander, Zebulon Pike.
The British also managed to torch the Sir Isaac Brock, a 30-gun frigate under construction in the dockyard, and the 16-gun Prince Regent fled to Kingston. The Americans were furious. None the less, it was a devastating raid.
After a period of time spent despoiling York, the Americans returned to Sackett's Harbor to recuperate for their next objective: Ft. George. Towards the end of May, the army and fleet converged at Ft. Niagara for the next round. The British were no better equipped for repelling the invader at Niagara than they were at York.
The militia were getting battle weary. Their absence from home, farm and business had caused great hardships and during the winter they deserted in numbers. In times of crisis, they answered the call and fought hard, but saw no point in merely hanging around. It was a soldier's life but not for a man in the militia.
More serious was the insurgence of disloyal citizenry sympathetic to the American cause. Both Cameron and Powell signed a petition to impose martial law and maintain order, which was beginning to break down.
The British Lake Ontario fleet was completely unprepared to deal with the American fleet and stayed away, leaving the Americans free to make their plans. What a difference a half year makes in the fortunes of war.
Ft. George Battle
The battle at Ft. George began on the night of May 24/25 when boats were detected being launched in the Niagara River. A gun at Brown's Point opened fire and as the boats drifted down the river, the Navy Hall 6-pdr. began to shoot when they came in range. As soon as it was light, a general bombardment commenced from both sides of the river.
The American artillery overwhelmed the British with a combined ship and shore battery of about 74 guns. Capt. Powell was in charge of the Lighthouse 24-pdr. and its carriage was severely damaged and ceased firing. Lt. Ball was in command of another 24-pdr. (location unknown) firing spherical case, but stood down after a while. The Montreal Point battery (Queen's Royal Park) did not fire at all, it being feared that the town behind would suffer, which it did anyway. The cannonade lasted all morning until the British were completely silenced.
There is a great deal of contradiction about the ordnance used at Ft. George and the independent batteries at this time. What is known is that the big guns ranged from 24-pdr. to 9-pdr., plus 8- and 10-inch mortars. Some of the heaviest calibres were carronades. They were assisted by mobile field artillery which included an elderly 12-pdr. cast in England in 1760, 6-pdrs., 5.5-inch howitzer and 4.5-inch mortars. The 3-pdrs. stayed at Queenston and were joined by a 6-pdr. from Chippawa to counter a possible landing in that area.
In the six batteries below Ft. George were mounted 11 guns of various types. The batteries were located at the mouth of the Two Mile Creek, the Lighthouse (24-pdr.), Montreal Point, the Mortar Battery in town which included a 9-pdr., the Cherry Trees (18-pdr.), and an unnamed battery to the left of the fort. There is a report that a house in town had its roof removed and a gun mounted on the upper floor. Ft. George mounted about five guns manned by the Militia Artillery. There were several more large guns in the batteries along the river towards Queenston.
Major Holcroft and the Royal Artillery had been reinforced to about 35 men and the Provincial Incorporated Artillery were present under Capt. Cameron. The Incorporated Artillery are thought to have operated a 6-pdr. The 1st Lincoln Artillery are known to have manned heavy battery guns but it hasn't been recorded whether any of them were involved with the field guns. The Car Brigade was prepared to move guns and ammunition as needed.
Niagara in all its parts suffered a great deal of damage from the May 25 bombardment and work commenced to make what repairs they could. The troops camped out on the commons and kept under arms. The town citizens packed up and left to find shelter elsewhere.
Nothing happened on May 26, which is puzzling. One speculates that the final preparations by the Americans were not yet completed and that they did not feel the necessity of another bombardment, having correctly surmised that the British had been truly rendered incapable of resisting.
Small boats were observed making soundings of the river and lake and laying out buoys to guide in the assault. The American fleet loaded up and positioned itself ready for the pre-invasion cannonade of the Canadian shore. The British constantly surveyed the preparations but without much confidence in their chances of being able to stop it when it came.
May 27 began with a heavy fog that lasted much of the morning. It effectively masked the movement of the invasion fleet from the eyes of the British but at times it lifted and they could see the ships and row boats lying off the mouth of the river. The ships moved into place and waited. A signal rocket rose from Ft. Niagara and the bombardment began again.
The landing area and the batteries close by received special attention. The schooners Julia and Growler moved up the river and the Ontario down the lake shore to enfilade the Lighthouse battery. The Governor Tompkins and Conquest did the same to the battery at Two Mile Creek.
The 1st Lincoln Artillery under Powell at the Lighthouse managed to get one shot off before their already damaged carriage pulled its bolts and became useless. By this time Ft. Niagara had opened up on them as well and the gunners were driven from their position by the hail of shot and shell. The same scenario was replayed at the Two Mile Creek battery.
The heavy fog still persisted and some 1st Lincoln Artillery decided to take advantage of it and sneak back to their battery and spike the gun. Which one this was, Two Mile Creek or the Lighthouse, isn't known. The fog momentarily lifted while they were engaged in this task and they were killed. Several others were wounded during the day, including Powell.
Colonel Claus, in charge at Ft. George, noted in his diary: "Received orders to open the mortars on the American garrison, and the fire was shameful bad." The Militia Artillery appear to have had problems with this fairly complex type of ordnance.
At 9 o'clock, having gained complete control of the batteries covering the landing area, the American invasion began. The British and Militia infantry had been staying out of sight while the cannonade was in progress, but the Indians under John Norton were caught out and suffered several casualties.
The landing took place on the beach between Two and One Mile Creek. The British, at this point completely unsupported by their own artillery, drove them back twice. But finally the Americans moved up onto the plain and eventually more than 2,000 of them and a 3-pdr. gun began to exchange volleys with about 600 defenders. The battle line stretched over 200 yards long and in places was less than 15 yards wide.
The carnage was incredible. Within a short period of time half of the British defenders fell. The remnant withdrew to a ravine to await reinforcements. During this engagement, Dominick Henry the lighthouse keeper and his wife were present on the battlefield bringing water to the troops and aiding the wounded.
It was now about 10 o'clock and things were going well for the Americans. In addition to the bombardment and landings, they began making threatening troop movements on their side of the river. This necessitated Brigadier-General Vincent keeping some of his forces out of the main fight now taking place on the north end of town and watching for a possible river crossing.
With the landing site secured, American reinforcements came ashore. This comprised a further 2000 to 3000 men and eight field guns. They formed into three sections and advanced. Lt. Armstrong, R.A., took two field guns down the Lakeshore Road and were halted by enemy riflemen. Unable to come to the assistance of the British troops retreating from the fight at the landing site, he linked up with the main artillery reserve at the Scottish Presbyterian Church. Lt. Charlton, R.A., with another 6-pdr., actually did join up but went along with the Infantry when they retired.
The American order of battle now had their left wing skirting the shore line and advancing along the river side, the center moved through town and the right wing constantly attempting an enveloping movement to roll up the British left flank. The British retired in stages and whenever they made contact with the Americans, it resulted in overwhelming volumes of fire directed their way.
Major Holcroft had at least four field guns in action at the Presbyterian Church covering the retreat. In answer to the American threat on the British left flank, he left a 6-pdr. and a 5.5-inch howitzer in the care of Lt. Armstrong and moved towards the problem with two guns. For half an hour the British artillery kept the Americans at bay with their shooting. Lt. Charlton with his 6-pdr. was probably still with the British infantry off to the right.
When it came time for Holcroft to withdraw his two guns, one of them, the old 12-pdr. mentioned earlier, had to be left behind on the road when its carriage collapsed. The main British body assembled on the Niagara commons near the hospital, formerly the Indian Council House and even then sometimes referred to as Butler's Barracks. The field artillery was deployed on the commons to await the Americans. One of the batteries beside Ft. George traversed its 18-pdr. and fired upon the Americans as they emerged from the town. Eventually this position was assaulted and captured along with its detachment.
The Madison moved up the river to anchor beside Ft. George and cover troops embarking from Youngstown for the Canadian shore. It was time for the British to get out before it was too late. At noon, orders were sent to Ft. George to destroy all stores and render unserviceable all ordnance. The Americans, on seeing smoke and hearing periodic explosions kept away, fearing a repeat of the Ft. York powder magazine disaster.
General Vincent sent the infantry through the woods towards St. David and then on to DeCew House near Beaver Dams, where they arrived at nightfall. The field artillery, including Captain Cameron, and baggage went by the river road to Queenston, joined up with elements of the Chippawa garrison and soon followed the infantry.
The garrison at Ft. Erie also destroyed stores and retired. The British carried out the retreat so quickly that the Americans had no idea where they went. Up till then they had pretty well everything their own way but at this point they fell apart and lost the opportunity to capture the defeated British force which evaded the Americans as they had at York.
A lot of field guns were reported to have assembled at Queenston for the retreat. Three were already there and some came in from Chippawa, plus the 6-pdr. that Captain Cameron commanded during this day.
It is recorded that the Royal Artillery operated five field guns on May 27 and with the exception of the old l2-pdr. lying in a heap on the roadway, they all got off. Captain Powell came in for some criticism from Major Holcroft for abandoning the Lighthouse battery, but it is difficult to see what else he could do when his gun became unserviceable.
Records are very sparse from the Battle of Ft. George, especially regarding the Militia. This is usually the case when a battle is lost and territory occupied. In Ft. Monroe, Va., can be seen an 8- inch iron mortar taken as a prize of war from Ft. George in commemoration of the victory on May 27. The l2-pdr. left in the roadway is also a souvenir of the day and can be found in the Watervliet Arsenal Museum, New York.
Epilogue
The militia hoped that the British would continue the fight when they received reinforcements and not abandon the peninsula. General Vincent decided to retire to Burlington Heights and dismissed the militia from further service on May 28. Many of them accompanied Vincent anyway, but the remainder returned home to aid their families during this devastating turn of events. There had been many losses both material and personal.
The 1st Lincoln Artillery stood down and never reformed, unlike the other militia units such as the 2nd Lincoln Artillery and the Provincial Incorporated Artillery which served throughout the remainder of the war.
The British turned the tide with an audacious and successful night attack on the American army at Stoney Creek on June 5. The Americans now found themselves in retreat from the triumphant British and were bottled up in Niagara for the remainder of the year. In response to the truculent attitude of the townspeople and surrounding country folk, the Americans detained many local notables, one of whom was Capt. John Powell, on June 19, 1813, and sent them to Burlington, Vt., as a deterrent to the other citizens.
After the war Powell returned to his job as Registrar of Lincoln County, a highly respected man in his community and one who capably answered the call to defend his land. He rebuilt his home following the American burning of the town of Niagara and it can be seen on the northeast corner of Mary and King street. He died in 1826, aged 54 years.
Alexander Cameron served throughout the war and returned to Niagara to his young family. He built a home on the southwest corner of King and Cottage street where it still stands today. He became Clerk of the Land Commission which was responsible for reestablishing survey and title to property, as all records had been lost in the war. He died before his time in 1820, leaving a wife and three girls.
John C. Ball, a bachelor, occasionally served as a gentleman volunteer during 1813. He also suffered extensive property losses during the war and built a new home, which although much altered can be found on Hunter Road. He died in 1822, aged 64 years.
The 1st Lincoln Artillery had an admittedly short career but it came at a critical time when the British army did not have the resources to defend Upper Canada. The early part of the War of 1812 was the moment for the militia to come forth and make up the shortfall and they did.
In spite of an often disparaging snobbery shown to them by the British army, there were some English officers who realized the effort and sacrifice of the militia and even admired their ability to serve and fight. It is true, as well, that the militia came from a heritage of loss and migration from earlier wars and this gave them the will to defend the land they lived on.
Artillery was the premier arm of the British army and the epitome of technical development. It was often the critical factor in battle and not easy to use. The most elite element in the British army was the Royal Artillery, not counting the social prestige of the cavalry popinjays. Artillery officers were promoted solely for ability and service and along with the Engineers, were the only ones to who went to school to learn their trade.
The gunners also trained hard in the handling and use of their often enormous weapons and were paid accordingly. It is interesting to see the militia come into this situation and make a go of it. This was acknowledged by reports and the commendations the unit received after battle. The experiment in Militia Artillery was a success and has continued to be so to this day.
In recognition of their services, the officers of the 1st Lincoln Artillery received the Prince Regent's Land Grant after the war. Powell's Company did not get a share of any prize money, as it was distributed after the unit had stepped down. Captain Cameron and the Provincial Incorporated Artillery were eligible and did get some.
The burial places of most of the members of the 1st Lincoln Artillery are unknown. John Ball was buried in his family cemetery but eventually it was relocated in its entirety to St. Mark's Cemetery and can be found in the southeast corner. Alexander Cameron was probably interred in Butler's Burial Ground, as his wife was a Butler and she ended up there in 1854. No tombstone remains. John Powell is buried in St. Mark's, location unknown.
The most tangible record of the company can be found inside the vestibule entrance of St. Mark's Church where a slate tombstone is mounted on the west wall. It was displaced during church expansion long ago. It records in the florid style of the times:
"In Memory Of Charles Wright and William Cameron in the 25th year of their age, of the 1st Regiment of Lincoln Militia, who gloriously fell on the 27th May, 1813. As lurid lightnings dart their vivid light so poured they forth their fire in bloody fight. They bravely fell and served their country's cause. They loved their Constitution, King and Laws."
These are the lads who died while trying to spike their gun at the American landing site. Charles Wright left a widow, Elizabeth. William Cameron left a child without support.
(About the Author: Glen G. Smith is an artillery fan from Ontario and reenactor with the Loyalist First Lincoln Artillery. He says unit members have had the pleasure of firing their guns from the exact same places the original unit fired, sometimes just a mile or two from where they live.)